Simultaneous Elections:
How Practicable?
*Saumitra
Mohan
With
the next Parliamentary elections due in 2019, preparations for the same have
already commenced. While the timing of the ensuing elections is subject to the
consideration of multiple factors including relevant Constitutional stipulations
by the Election Commission of India (ECI), another important electoral issue
has lately been engaging the attention of the policy makers and political
observers. This relates to the conduct of simultaneous elections (SE) for the Lok Sabha (the House of People) and the
various Vidhan Sabhas (provincial Legislative
Assemblies). A very intense and keen debate has been raging in the country
regarding the advisability of the same for quite some time now.
Various
arguments have been advanced for and against the proposal. Many critics have
termed the proposition as a chimera without any practicability. They feel that
such a move, if at all realised, would actually compromise the plural character
of Indian society by encouraging and propping
a ‘One-Party-Rule’ both at the Centre and in the federating provinces across
the country which may not do justice to our multi-splendoured diversity. Having
a monolithic Government for the whole country, many apprehend, may make the
ruling dispensation somewhat authoritarian and unaccountable to the electorate.
After
all, having elections at regular intervals across the country keep the politicians
and the political parties on their toes while also keeping them on the leash.
The extant system ensures more accountability vis a vis the proposed idea of
having SE which actually conjures the scenario of a single political party dominating
the political scene across the country. However, the champions brush the
argument aside by terming it nothing but a wild conjecture.
SE
elections are merely a means to save the precious time and resources of
the country. The move would still
give scope for reflection of societal pluralities at the hustings. The proposition
also affords a more holistic outlook and freedom to the policymakers which would
facilitate more effective policy making. The Government in power shall actually
be unencumbered by the imperatives of electoral politics which often
compromises its autonomy and encourages prodigal populism for wooing the voters
due to the uncertainties stemming from frequent elections.
It
has been suggested that holding SE would save the country plenty of revenue
which is usually spent on the conduct of multilevel elections at regular
intervals. The money, thus saved, could be well utilized for the purpose of
developing our country. As per available records, a total of 3870 crore rupees
were spent by the Government of India (GOI) on the conduct of parliament
elections in 2014. The same was conducted at 2.3 lakh polling stations across
the country with the assistance of 1349 companies of Central Armed Police
Forces (CAPF) and 1.11 crore polling personnel.
The
massive expenditure, manpower and logistics required for conduct of these
staggered elections almost every year for the various Legislative Assemblies
and Parliament could be hugely pruned by holding of the SE. As of now, the finances
required for the conduct of Parliament and Legislative Assembly elections are provided
by GOI and concerned State Governments respectively. The required ballpark
expenditure for the conduct of 2019 Parliament elections come to around 4500
crores which could be easily shared among the Central and State Government,
thereby saving precious resources, time and energy for attending to more pressing
developmental needs.
Another
major suggested advantage of SE relates to the avoidance of major disruption of
common public life because of the conduct of frequent elections. The same
negatively impacts and cripples the developmental process and policy making
because of the prolonged imposition of the Model Code of Conduct (MCC). This
also compromises national security because of the regular deployment of the
CAPFs away from their core areas. The intense political battles, as fought
regularly due to these elections, also keep the political pot boiling. The ensuing
internecine parochial politics and politicking based on caste, religion,
language and region often compromise the societal consolidation and national
integrity. The advocates, however, argue to the contrary saying the move
actually consolidates and strengthens national unity because of the emerging ‘national
feeling’ and harmony due to broadbased debates and discussion.
However,
the biggest hurdle for undertaking such an exercise shall be the reaching of a
consensus by all the stakeholders including the national and regional political
parties. As of now, most of the major political parties have opposed the idea
on one or the other ground. It is feared that such an exercise shall actually
benefit the national political parties while jeopardizing the prospects of the
regional parties. The latter visualize a distinct disadvantage in such
elections as SE would be usually contested on national issues, thereby marginalizing
the local issues and compromising the electoral prospects of smaller parties. Surprisingly,
even many national parties are averse to the idea because of their own
political calculations.
Again,
SE for all the State Legislative Assemblies and Parliament in 2019 seem
impossible as the terms of most of the state assemblies don’t expire around the
time Parliament elections are proposed to be held. So, anyhow it shall be
partial SE involving Parliament and only few State Legislative Assemblies. As things
stand now, many observers feel that, at most, 12 State Legislative Assemblies
could be tagged to the forthcoming Parliament elections in 2019. These states,
inter alia, include Odisha, Jammu and Kashmir, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana,
Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Chattisgarh, Rajasthan, Maharashtra, Jharkhand,
Haryana and Bihar. For many of these states, premature dissolution of State Assemblies
shall be required but the same should not be very difficult as they are ruled
by the likeminded political formations.
Notwithstanding
all the foregoing discussion, the Election Commission of India has recently
ruled out firmly the possibility of holding SE in 2019 because of legal imponderables.
It has said that the proposition is an impossibility given the absence of the
required legal framework. The changes required for realising the idea include
the introduction of relevant changes in the Constitution of India and the
Representation of People Act, 1951. The same is a very long drawn process which
is impossible to be realised before the scheduled time of the proposed
elections to the Parliament.
Many
of the observers have also pointed to the futility of such an exercise, given
the complexity and character of Indian polity. Even though we conduct such an
SE, the reality would soon revert back to the present situation as it is
unlikely to ensure that all the Central and State Governments would survive
their full term. Sooner or later, one or the other State Government shall witness
a premature dissolution of the State Assemblies due to emergent political
complexities, thereby warranting the conduct of separate elections. In a
country as large as India, the practicality of such a proposition remains
doubtful.
Besides,
many observers also feel that the regular and separate elections are, after
all, not such a bad thing as is usually made out. Firstly, the expenses on
these elections create purchasing power in the economy thereby generating the
multiplier effect by pushing the demand-supply chain. The plural character of
our polity warrants such regular elections which ensure more accountability and
sensitivity to the electoral needs. This also wards against societal dissonance
and discord. One just feels that all the stakeholders shall soon sit together
to seal the debate sooner than later in the better interest of our polity.
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