Sweet-talk your way to success
Saumitra Mohan
Today’s fast-paced life, while becoming cosier by the day, is also becoming increasingly complex. And this complexity gets compounded with the kind of people we meet everyday, each with a different hue of character. The confusing medley of people we meet, makes our life more confusing and perplexing. Still we keep meeting numerous people every day as being a social animal, we just cannot help our social interactions.
How do we react, how do we behave and how do we converse with them—all these determine many things including what we are and what we want to become. Our interaction with each of them should be measured and customized accordingly. One wrong move and many things in one’s life may go awry. That is why, every time we meet someone, we are always thinking, modifying our reactions and behaviour as per the specifications and requirements of the dyadic relationship we are entering into. Our behaviour is shaped by such factors as our own character, socio-cultural background, education, our prejudices, our priorities and similar factors shape the behaviour of our interlocutors. The people we interact with include our friends, relatives, colleagues, acquaintances and complete strangers.
Any individual, who loves success and desires to be a go-getter in every walk of life, should never alienate others or make enemies. Be always on our guard while dealing with people. As far as possible, be a glib, or if that sounds bad, a sweet-talking man. As the golden saying goes, ‘if we cannot give sweet to someone, at least, we can talk sweetly. After all, it costs nothing.’ Ours is a short sojourn on this blue planet called earth. So, even as the most privileged of God’s creature, we should not hurt anyone. We never know, the man we are offending today may come be of a lot of use in times to come.
During my brief existential expericism, I have often noticed that people simply do not like to hear ‘No’ from anybody. So, if someone asks we for a favour, as far as possible, avoid this ‘nay saying’. Try to be affirmative while responding to a request. I have often noticed that a good number of times our response do not go beyond this or need not go beyond this and this ‘Yes’ word does a world of good to we and to our relationships. Talking about myself, I often get request calls for favour from different people, some known to me, but most of them unknown to me, the latter often being on the fringe of my relationships. I have rarely said ‘No’ to anyone. I take pain to say ‘Yes’ and, in fact, sound very optimistic with my words which appear very encouraging to my interlocutors. The truth is that many of these people, while trying for favour from me, also approach many others many of whom do oblige with positive actions. Also, while trying to approach people for favour, most of such people also try to do their own home work properly as far as possible to get the job done on merit. So, in a good number of cases where we assure of help and say ‘Yes’ to them, the work gets done on its own merit or due to someone who does oblige his/her interlocutor. If possible, try following up on the fate of the work being requested, if we discover that the work is done, send a message across that the work is done and claim the credit. If the work is partially done, then inform accordingly, expressing regret while simultaneously adding that we did our best. In case of work not being done at all, we politely express regret about the same if informed or take trouble to save face by ferreting out the best ansour. If such person calls we some day after a long time, do not forget to ask him about the work, while informing him or her as to how we tried our best. In any case, we lose nothing.
I remember having received a request from a poourful Minister for favouring four candidates at a particular job interview, something I would never do as, myself coming from a humble background, I would never scupper the chances of a meritorious candidate for someone who has a Minister or some other influential to look after. So, in keeping with my principle, I did nothing and allowed to interview to culminate in full fairness. But, I definitely followed the fate those three candidates. Fortuitously, two of those candidates succeeded on their own merit. But I took pain to inform the said Minister that I could ensure the success of two of his candidates, but could not help the other two for the simple reason that they did not have good scores in the written test. The Minister was more than pleased. I also called the two successful candidates to tell them that they must thank the Minister for the favour, in my bid to ensure the gratefulness of such candidates towards me also. I do it deliberately less to seek gratefulness, but more to penalize these students, the penalty being the burden of the fact that they got their job because of someone’s favour, not because of their merit. They must be made to suffer for not believing in themselves and for seeking precedence over others through influence-peddling.
Even though we may not notice, but someone we have offended with our words or actions may take umbrage to it so strongly that he would wait for an opportune moment to strike back. So, like a wily politician, we should be generous with our tongue.
It is quite possible that we may not like a person. Fine. But we need not wear our hatred on our sleeves. Also, we should not try to get even with such people as someone has rightly said, ‘as long as we are trying to get even with someone, we cannot get ahead of him or her.’ Revengefulness is not a human but a satanic attribute, so discard it. As far as possible, try to have some sort of working relationship with everyone.
Try appearing sincere and interested in every person we meet. As far as possible, try remembering people’s name and call them by their name. Everyone loves that. Everyone has some or the other good quality. Find that out. Everyone loves to hear good words about oneself. So, be fulsome in our compliments. And we would win instant approval of that person, simultaneously generating a good fund of goodwill for ourself. But remember one thing, if we can not find anything nice about someone, then better be quiet than saying the truth. Find other way of conveying the same. So, in stead of saying that the ‘red colour does not suit someone, one can definitely say that while red is looking fine but blue would look much better’. There goes the story of a king who had a very bad dream one night, wherein he saw that he had grown very old and all his teeth have fallen’. The next morning, the king summoned two of the very renowned astrologers to interpret his dream. The first astrologer said that ‘the king would die earlier than most of his kins’. The second astrologer was more diplomatic with his words. He said, ‘the relatives of the king would live longer than the king’. While both said the same thing, the second astrologer was more polite with his words and phrased his interpretation positively. So, the first astrologer was sent to the gallows, while the second was handsomely rewarded. We really need to learn to find ways with our words.
And again, try to expand the number of our contacts because in today’s world, these things matter. Know one thing very clearly-everyone is important as a contact. All contacts need to be nurtured. We have to cultivate each of them on sui generic basis i.e. individually.
Our contacts in high places i.e. our acquaintances in high places, know the reason for our interest. Such people should be visited or called at regular intervals. Never ever go to such people with some work in the very first or second meeting. This is not advisable and would show us in poor light. Also, if by quirk of fate or our own merit, we happen to reach a high profile position, we should never forget the people we have known. We never know when our acquaintance with them would come in handy and pay us rich dividends.
Also, we should never forget to market our own self. As far as possible, as and when possible, at every available opportunity, we should present our self as a very useful, resourceful person without appearing or sounding boastful. We should try to be recognized as a person who has a lot of confidence in one’s self and who values one’s self-esteem more than anything else. After all, if we don’t respect our self, why should others respect us?
We should take care that our ego does not overwhelm us beyond a point. One should definitely be a positive egotist. A positive egotist is one who has his spine intact and does not compromise on one’s principles and values in a bid to get ahead. We should definitely have a purpose to make our life meaningful. A life without a purpose is like a rudderless ship which is bound to sink or get shipwrecked. So, we should definitely set ourselves certain life goals and then pursue the same heart and soul. As someone said, ‘Always see the world fit for positive changes because if the world is okay the way it is, then we have no place in it.’
If we notice carefully, then we would find that the world is actually moving with us or moving around us or is actually fixated us. Has any of us ever thought as to why does this happen? Despite the universe being so huge and there being so many characters therein, why is it that the world seem to be fixated on us? Why it is not focused elsewhere? This really needs to be followed very closely. This very fact should make us realize that the God has really assigned each of us a separate role on this world stage and all of us are there to play a particular role. Now, what role do we choose for our self is something that totally depends on us? We wish to play negative or positive role is something that we have to decide. But one thing is clear. We definitely deserve and need to lead a life which is superior to the animal life where life does not go beyond the pleasures of the flesh, including eating, drinking, defecating and procreating. God has endowed the human being with the capacity to think and create and that is why humans have won the existential race and dominate the forces of nature, proving their superiority thereby. But we definitely can do much better than we have done so far.
Looking at the world around us, one does feel that all these sub-human and inhuman expressions and excrudescences of crudities garbed in terrorism, secessionism and religious fundamentalism, are actually a throwback to our the Hobbesian state of nature where the ‘life was nasty, brutish and short’. Otherwise, why is it that the more we are modernizing, the more such reactionary forces are rearing their heads. It is because of the contradictions between the state and the society. Talking of a country like India, where the society is deeply religious, the state has chosen to be secular meaning thereby that secularism is something which has been imposed from above and does not spring from the innards of our society. While attempt should have been to work out a genuine secularism through the dialogues among the different religious communities, we have straightaway imposed secularism, the consequences whereof are there before us to see.
Yes, there is a rider to my exhortation that one should be non-compromising about one’s principles and values. But if we think that some larger good or interest could be served by such a compromise, we should not shrink from doing the same. After all, principles and values are there to make human life better and not otherwise. But this should not be done expediently and one should exercise one’s discretion with a lot of caution.
We should always try to be percipient enough to tell chaff from the grain. As we try to cultivate friends keeping in view their position or resourcefulness, others may also do the same to us keeping our position or resourcefulness in view. So, watch out for the genuine friends and guard against the fake ones. Never forget those who have stood by us in our difficult times and chipped in with all possible help. Such people are true friends and have to be cultivated and cherished like one’s precious possessions. Guard against people who try to play neutral or those who try to be diplomatic in their relationship with us. Just have a sort of working relationship with them and don’t try to mix with them beyond a point, as more often than not such people may prove more dangerous than our outright enemies.
Now to tackle our outright enemies, we have to put ourselves in their shoes and take action accordingly. And then go on to take all those pre-emptive steps we think are necessary to counter the possible enemy steps. If possible, we should send them feelers of our good intentions towards them. Praise them in front of persons we think are close to them and say it in such a manner as if we really mean it. And rest assured that what we thought was communicated in good faith and strict confidence has already reached our enemy ears. Such steps may neutralize the possible harms that our enemy may be contemplating against us. Also, as far as possible, we should try doing good to people we think are worthy of our friendship but whom we have fallen out with because of some misunderstanding. This would send a positive message and win the person over in due course of time. One more thing. We should not vent our anger and frustration against people we dislike. Try being kind and more helpful to them. This would raise our standing in the eyes of our detractors and establish us as a good human being.
Always remember the Biblical saying that we should not do to others what we should not like to be done unto ourselves. Its flip side is equally true i.e. doing things to others as we would have loved to be done unto us. And yes, as and when we oblige people or do someone a favour, do let him know about it. Otherwise, all our efforts would go down the drain. After all, we must get something in return of our favour even if it happens to be a mere goodwill of the people concerned. Also, never appear to be a person with a dual character. If people see us as someone who does not practice what we preach, then no one would take us seriously. We would be seen as a fraudulent person who should be avoided at all cost.
Remember one more thing. Never let our problems, our misunderstandings or our poor relations with someone dictate the relations of our near and dear ones with the person otherwise we would be permanently closing the door on rapprochement. Many people believe that ‘my enemy is your enemy and if you wish to be friends with me, you better sever all your ties with my enemy’, a very wrong approach. It is very much like saying that if ‘if you are not us, you are against us even if you are not exactly or actually siding with the said enemy’. One’s relationship with someone should not be made conditional on his/her relationship with others. If we were to do that, the entire edifice of social superstructure would crumble.
Always be willing to believe something as long as it does not pertain to our interests and if the same happens to be negative things about someone, keep it to ourself. Also, guard against such people who keep bitching about others as they may do the same to us some day. I have seen people who get overly exercised about people who keep bitching about others or keep telling lies about something, even though it does not concern them by any stretch of imagination. Just give them a patient hearing. Hear with one ear to allow to pass the same from the other without allowing it to pass through your mouth unless it happens to be something positive. A man is not only known by one’s companions but is also known by what he says or talks about. So, try understanding or comprehending a person by what he/she talks about and take your own decisions or make your own opinions accordingly.
We should never presume things and never take anything for granted, more so if it pertains to our vital interests. If some work or outcome involves the other person, we should always be extra careful. Always keep following up otherwise the work may never get done. Once you have left the work to some person, howsoever trustworthy, be sure something would go wrong. As the Murphy’s law goes, ‘if you expect a thing to go wrong, be sure that it surely would’.
We should also never ever venture out to do things we have not attempted before or are not conversant about unless we have known all the facts and nuances related to that. It is like going to a big hotel and placing our orders randomly based on the highfalutin items from the menu cards and then being served with such preparations as we would never eat. So, before taking a decision about something we just don’t know, it is always advisable to seek suggestions from those in the better know of things and who we think would advise us rightly. And if we have already committed some mistake, we should always be willing to correct our mistake.
Anger is something which has destroyed many as it takes away our power to think thereby goading us to take such decisions as are suicidal to us. Remember as to how Othelo killed his newly-wed wife Desdemona based on unverified untruths from Ilago, eventually precipitating his own ruin. So, we should try to overpower our temper tantrums otherwise it would overpower us much to our own detriment. Gandhi was right when he said, ‘We should not get angry when we know that we are wrong and the other person is right. And we should have no reason to get angry when we know that we are right while the other person is outright wrong’. So, keeping our cool in adverse situation is the test of our character. Remember, a sailor sails against the tide, not with the tide as the kite flies against the wind, and not with the wind.
While acting in the present, we should always keep an eye fixated towards the future like the mythical Roman God Janus. All the decisions we arrive at should be take with a view to our future goals, our values and principles. Also never let our goal blind us so much as to ignore the larger interests of society. Always give the latter precedence over the former.
Never forget the eternal truth that this human existence is ephemeral and transient.
All the worldly possessions, we keep fighting about and thereby debasing our humanity, are finally to be left behind in this mortal world only. The only thing that survives us and lives forever is our good deed, our good name and fame. What matters most in life is not what we do for ourselves but what we do for others. All the great men we remember is because of what they have done for the others and for the society and not what they did to themselves and their family.
Stepping Stones to Success:
All of us keep dreaming of making it big one day though only some of us are fortunate enough to achieve what we aspire for. And remember fortune always favours the brave. As Eleanor Roosevelt said, ‘The future belongs to them who believe in the beauty of their dreams’. And the best way to make one's dream come true is to wake up and act to realize the same. Even though there are many dream careers to look forward to, but there are only few who are able to complete the journey to the final destination. Many either drop out or fall by the way side in their bid to snatch a place in the sun.
We should always keep in mind one thing. It is not because things are difficult that we don’t dare. It is because we don’t dare that things become difficult. There are many opportunities offering challenging and monetarily rewarding career awaiting us all around us but we should have an eye to identify the same. As someone rightly said, ‘many people don’t recognize the best of opportunities as they are always disguised as hard work and a grueling spell of struggle’. One should, therefore, have all those qualities in oneself that goes into making of a person worthy of an exalted position. When asked by Y as to how X intends to make it big in legal profession keeping in view the fact that legal professions is crowded with people and is replete with cut-throat competition, X calmly replied, ‘Base may be thick and crowded, but there is always room at the top, the place I intend to occupy’. The person went on to become a famous lawyer.
It is always better that one starts early and makes one's career choice right in the morning of one’s life but as they say, it is never too late. What one needs are planning, strong determination, devotion, dedication and hard work. One should plan one's work and then work one's plan.
One thing that is very important when we set about the achievement of any goal is an honest self-appraisal. We should through a thorough introspection, cross-examine ourself and ask ourself as to whether we have all the requisite qualities necessary for the achievement of the life goal that we have set for ourself. Any mistake at this level could prove suicidal and would lead us nowhere. So, we should try to avoid under or overestimation of our self. Underestimation of our potential would not only waste the human resource in us but it would always make us feel dissatisfied and unfulfilled. On the other hand, overestimation would not only keep the success away from us, at the end of the day it would also make us feel completely frustrated and incapable of any attainment. So, we should always be on our guard when we set about the exercise of self-assessment and should never let others take decisions for us. We should take our decisions and fight our own battles. And we should also never forget to do a cost-benefit analysis before we finally take a decision. We should always weigh all the options available before us and then opt for the one we deem most suitable for us.
Yes, if we are ambitious and have the grit and determination to move the mountains, then we can indulge in the luxury of setting a high profile life goal that may not match our inherent qualities. Remember Demosthenes, the great orator of all time, could hardly speak because of his stammering but with his grit and motivation, he would, while putting pebbles in his mouth, practice speaking on the sea coast and later on went on to become what he intended to. So, all we need to do in such a situation is to uplift ourself to meet the demands of our goal. Never forget that the number of those desirous of a coveted place in the sun, exceed by many times but there is only one pot at the end of the rainbow. So, we have to master all those qualities and attributes in such a way as to make us more than worthy to deserve what we have desired. Let me enter one caveat here. We should take care not to put all our eggs in one basket. May be that we have taken utmost care to select our goal and may be that we put in all our effort to realize the same, but it is also possible that things may not turn out the way we thought they would. Therefore, as far as possible keep other options open. And also be ready to take failures in your stride. Fall we would, but we should definitely not stay there. We should get up and move ahead to move up to realize our coveted place in the sun. We should also know that the sun is very hot, so before claiming and settling our place in the sun, we should prepare us and anneal us like the gold in the fire.
There are some common qualities, which are desideratum for success anywhere, and if we have mastered them, sky is the limit for us. They inter alia include a very good command over knowledge of our field, a good penmanship or writing skills, a reasonably good oratorical skill, self confidence, capacity to work hard, honesty in everything we do and a concern for the larger society. The more we can add to our positive qualities, the better. The most important of these positive qualities include a good oratorical skill with equally good knowledge of our field, not to speak of a polite and positive outlook. If we have them all in good or reasonably good measure, believe me sooner or later Lady Luck would be smiling on us and showering the bounties we have desired all along.
So, make good habits and then wait and watch what our habits make of us. We should also learn to change our routine and habits according to the set goal. We should always keep in mind our goal and let our goal goad all our activities. All our actions should, in one or the other way, contribute to the attainment of our goals. If we feel that the atmosphere around us is not conducive to the realization of our goal, then create the necessary atmosphere ourself by befriending those we either share our career goal with or are somehow can make a positive contribution to our endeavors. We should find out the rough edges in our personality and strive hard to smoothen the same. All our activities should revolve around and should be aimed at the achievement of our career goal.
Always remember one thing. In our bid to get to our coveted goal, we should never ever tie ourself up so much as to make our life dull and drab. Life is beautiful and human life is more so. So, even while we go about our preparations for the realization of our dream, we should not stop enjoying life. We should have some time also for fun and frolicking. We should not forget to chill out after a grueling round of hard work. We should try to fit in our fun time and fun things in a way as to assist us in the advancement of our goal. All that is being suggested here is that try to mix and match our goal and fun activities in such a way that it takes us nearer to our goal.
There would always be hurdles and they would be legion but always remember that when the going gets though, the tough gets going. After all, success never goes through short cut. Also, when we are desirous of success, be ready for failures on our way. Don't forget the hoary dictum that failures are the pillars of success. And failures are never getting knocked down, but it is not getting up. After all, no defeat is final until one stops trying.
In difficult moments, behave like a duck. Keep calm and unruffled on the surface, but keep paddling away like crazy underneath.
Smell stays in the hand that gives rose.
Sunday, December 31, 2006
NATIONAL SECURITY MANAGEMENT : SOME REFLECTIONS
NATIONAL SECURITY MANAGEMENT :
SOME REFLECTIONS
SAUMITRA MOHAN*
National security is a term, which us used very loosely today in common parlance. It is often associated with safeguards either against an enemy country's hostile incursions or maneuvering or against armed non-state actors out to challenge the authority of the state and cause irreparable damages to the unity and integrity of the state. However, national security subsumes these aspects and goes much beyond them and is much more inclusive and broader than commonly understood.
The theme of this paper as mentioned at the outset includes three terms namely 'national ', 'security' and management'. Before we go on to discuss the theme in detail, it would be better if we seek to understand what these terms stand for. The first of these, i.e., 'national' means something that us related to 'nation' which is regarded as being co-terminus with the 'state'. In case of India, it has often been said that it is more of a 'state-nation' than a 'nation state. This is an allusion to the plurality of Indian society and to the fact that Indian society and to the fact that Indian state has hot evolved as a nation like the European one. Being a multi-cultu7ral and multinational State, some sections of Indian society are yet to come to terms with the ' imagined' Indian nation.
The common thread that arguably joins different ethno-cultural –linguistic groups within the Indian state (the idea of an essentially Hindu cultural unity-interpreted in cultural, geographical and religious sense) tends to have a sectional flavour and leaves out a sizable chunk and often alienates them. The historical reality of partition of British India on the principle of 'Two Nation theory' has its own corrupting influence on the making of the 'state nation '. The disaffection or dissatisfaction of ethno-cultural groups- who define themselves in national terms- often poses security threats when it matures into separatist or secessionist movement and it has to be properly factored into national security management.
The second and most important of the three terms is 'security'. Security is much more than the mere defense of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the country. Security of the nation means her security in every aspect of the national life including political, economic, cultural, environmental, and social.
The last of these three terms, i.e., 'management' means the process of managing and relates to the administration and regulation of available resource to achieve the organizational goals. So, taken together, 'national security management' means the proper administration and regulation of country's entire available resources to provide effective security to the nation and its nationals in every sense of the term.
Treats
Today, India is facing threats to her security from various quarters. The threats are both from within and from without. The treats are in the forms of outright enemy incursions as reflected in such instances as Kargil, Low intensity proxy war as in Kashmir, threats like nuclear strikes from unidentified sources or non-state actors, refuge influxes from across the border threatening the country politically, culturally and economically, religious fundamentalism, narco-terrorism, proliferation of small arms, many environmental hazards flowing is an a result of indiscriminate use of earth's resources by developed and developing countries, cultural invasion through media and economic insecurity of the country induced both by instability in the world market and inability at the domestic level to cope with changes induced by the forces of globalization.
The hydra-headed problem of poverty, weak economic base, unemployment, narrow regionalism, naxalism, communalism, infranationalism, secessionism, corruption, terrorism and weak institutional structure – all pose grave threats to the national security of this country. If we really mean to ménage our national security well, then we would have to work at all these levels and take a comprehensive and holistic approach to the issue of national security in the absence of which the continued survival of India Nation may be endangered.
Before looking at threats form without, one should try to put one's own house in order. India's image as a 'soft state', as termed by Gunnar Myrdal in his celebrated work Asian drama, has to be tackled first. This negative image perhaps derives form the fact that key institutional structures of the state are either in shambles or non-functional leading to her incapacitation at many levels and this has paralyzed the economy and polity in irrevocable ways on the one hand and encouraged fissiparous tendencies along the margins on the other. A rundown bureaucracy, rickety legislature, and indecisive executive and on overall image of a non-performing government does impact negatively on national security.
The first task confronting the Indian state is to raise an effective institutional structure to manage the affairs of the state and this will have its beneficial effect on the issue of national security in the long run.
Countering Threats
It is argued that a good infrastructure and a responsible government would be of no use unless and until we have a very alert, awakened, responsible and participative civil society. And to have such a civil society, there is a need to invest a lot in human resource of the state. This would also mean that everyone is well fed, well clad and well cared for. Otherwise, a starving and unemployed populace often transforms into a disaffected subject and poses new threats to national security, as was also attested by by Kautilya in his famous book, 'Arthashatra' Moreover, Indian state has to demonstrate is impartiality in the authoritative allocation of values and resources.
It is fact that Indian nation is facing lot many challenges from many disgruntled sections of India citizenry, because of a perceived bias in terms of value allocation by the Indian State power have to be careful in securing – what Rawls once said-'distributive justice' for its citizens and they have to ensure that the developmental pie does not get so unevenly distributed as to engender such circumstances which threaten the very survival of the state or nation. It is absolutely necessary to engineer developmental processes in such a manner that all the sections of Indian society are co-opted respectfully into the national mainstream. The government of the state should also see to it that there is no social injustice or inequity in the society as that often engenders social unrest leading to the break-up of the country – as was the case in East Pakistan in 1971. To misquote Machiavelli, the government should not only be doing justice but should also appear to be just.
Also, the galloping rate of population growth needs to be brought down to match the resources of the country. In the Indian case, it has definitely outpaced the resources at its command. The mismatch often creates instability and unrest in the society, which definitely is not good for the country. To ward against this, we need to have a very healthy economy with an efficient industrial and agricultural base. Again, a healthy economy requires good infrastructural base and a good mix of economic policies to support it.
Then, the political culture of a country should also be such as to provide a cushion to its national security. In a country like India, very often, competitive/populist democratic measures create problems like narrow regionalism, communalism, secessionism and infra-nationalism, which also prove suicidal to the national security. So, an effective national security management could be predicated on a reasonably responsible political culture with a very wide democratic base meaning thereby that we need to have an effective all-inclusive participatory democracy.
After we have all the above, we could think of other aspects of our national security. It is often said that India does not have a national security doctrine and it is often said to be toying with a concept of 'strategic ambivalence'. A very reputed security expert, George Tanham also feels that India lacks a 'culture of strategic thinking'. And even after the National Security Advisory Board led by the doyen of Indian strategic think tanks, Mr. K. Subrahmanyam came out with such a doctrine, we have not bothered to accept the same.
Need of a clear perspective
India's national security management continues to be ad hocish and reactive. The Kargil Committee Report pointed out many chinks in our security armour and then, there was a Group of Ministers' Report, which visualized many changes in our national security management but we are yet to see some positive changes on the security front. The National Security Council, formed to effectively manage country's security has proved to be still-born with the government hardly using it as a tool towards security management.
All one means to say here is that the government needs to be more serious and systematic about the national security management. It should not only have a crystal clear perspective and policy on national security but it should also put in place the required intuitional structures. National Security is a full time job and requires a full time national security Advisor rather that the one who also works as the Principal security to the Prime Minister. The long-felt need to have a Chief of Defense Staff for proper coordination among the different wings of our armed forces also needs to be seriously considered.
At a time when Alvin Toffler's third Wave' (i.e. communication and information revolution) is sweeping the world, we have to see to it that we are not unsettled by this phenomenon more so when we claim to be good at it and propose to make India a 'Knowledge society' And to the credit of the government, we already have the Report of the Information Task Force ( led first by Jaswant Singh and later by K.C. Pant), which has extensively talked about this aspect of national security. The point one is trying to make here is that we should be ready against an y attempt to invade our vast vital database through an informationì¥Á7
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SOME RELECTIONS
SAUMITRA MOHAN*
National security is a term, which us used very loosely today in common parlance. It is often associated with safeguards either against an enemy country's hostile incursions or maneuvering or against armed non-state actors out to challenge the authority of the state and cause irreparable damages to the unity and integrity of the state. However, national security subsumes these aspects and goes much beyond them and is much more inclusive and broader than commonly understood.
The theme of this paper as mentioned at the outset includes three terms namely 'national ', 'security' and management'. Before we go on to discuss the theme in detail, it would be better if we seek to understand what these terms stand for. The first of these, i.e., 'national' means something that us related to 'nation' which is regarded as being co-terminus with the 'state'. In case of India, it has often been said that it is more of a 'state-nation' than a 'nation state. Thiity management. And this is an ea of 'complex interdependence' as described by security experts Joseph Nye and Robert Keohane . Today, it is difficult to define security in terms of in terms of 'mine and thine' Today, security manes mutuality of approachesì¥Á7
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SOME RELECTIONS
SAUMITRA MOHAN*
National security is a term, which us used very loosely today in common parlance. It is often associated with safeguards either against an enemy country's hostile incursions or maneuvering or against armed non-state actors out to challenge the authority of the state and cause irreparable damages to the unity and integrity of the state. However, national security subsumes these aspects and goes much beyond them and is much more inclusive and broader than commonly understood.
The theme of this paper as mentioned at the outset includes three terms namely 'national ', 'security' and management'. Before we go on to discuss the theme in detail, it would be better if we seek to understand what these terms stand for. The first of these, i.e., 'national' means something that us related to 'nation' which is regarded as being co-terminus with the 'state'. In case of India, it has often been said that it is more of a 'state-nation' than a 'nation state. Thishould try to build defenses against war by investing more and more in peace, As the preamble to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and cultural Organization says, " It is in mind that war starts and it is there that the defenses of peace should be built". So, while a country needs to guard against the unwarranted invasion of its national culture, it should also see to it that an international culture or peace and prosperity develop through mutual cooperation and collaboration.
A country not only needs to manage her bilateral and multilateral relations well through effective confidence building measures but should also try to promote international treaties in disarmament and arms regulation aiming at the larger goal of international peace and security. For this, we also need to have strong international organizations in place and need to provide more teeth to organizations like the United Nations. Besides, potential of such established forums as Non-aligned Movement, G-77,G-24.G-15,G-8. ASEAN, SAARC and APEC need to be properly harnessed towards national and international security management as both the issues are intertwined.
Also, as far as possible a nation should try to use its diplomatic resources to the best. It should not only try to presume and neutralize possible enemy moves and maneuverings through confidence building measures and through proper preparations but should also try to expand here area of cooperation by either co-opting neutral and friendly countries to its side or by trying to get a toe-hold in their area of influence. As about India, one can say that India should strive to be a part of influential regional and international groupings like APEC, Asia-Europe Meetings and United Nations Security Council.
Diplomatic resources should be properly harnessed and deployed fro wooing the powerful members of international community to a country's own point of view, for promoting its values, for cooperation in such fields as technological exchange and economic cooperation.
Also, India should utilize Indian Diaspora and its resources abroad in such diplomatic exercises. India also has to realize that she cannot make much headway in national security management as long as South Asia remains hostage to the continuous confrontations between India and Pakistan. So, national security for any member country of South Asia should also mean rapprochement between India and Pakistan and only then can the vast resources of the region be properly channeled towards development. Hence, India, as the most powerful country in the region has to see to it that Cold War, which has ended elsewhere, ends in South Asia as well.
Apart from all the above, it is always advisable to have an inner circle of close allies and in India's case, such allies could be Russia, Israel, china and France and at the same time India can improve its strategic relationship with the USA. There is already a talk of a 'strategic triangle' among India, Russia and China. India should seriously explore the feasibility of such a concept.
To conclude, on can say that an effective national security management requires strong institutions, a responsible government, an effective national security policy, a participative and vibrant civil society, a just social structure, a well-oiled economic and political system with a sense of 'distributive justice', a healthy culture of peace, a better war-preparedness, a good diplomatic machinery and cascading international cooperation in different spheres through continuous confidence building measures.
SOME REFLECTIONS
SAUMITRA MOHAN*
National security is a term, which us used very loosely today in common parlance. It is often associated with safeguards either against an enemy country's hostile incursions or maneuvering or against armed non-state actors out to challenge the authority of the state and cause irreparable damages to the unity and integrity of the state. However, national security subsumes these aspects and goes much beyond them and is much more inclusive and broader than commonly understood.
The theme of this paper as mentioned at the outset includes three terms namely 'national ', 'security' and management'. Before we go on to discuss the theme in detail, it would be better if we seek to understand what these terms stand for. The first of these, i.e., 'national' means something that us related to 'nation' which is regarded as being co-terminus with the 'state'. In case of India, it has often been said that it is more of a 'state-nation' than a 'nation state. This is an allusion to the plurality of Indian society and to the fact that Indian society and to the fact that Indian state has hot evolved as a nation like the European one. Being a multi-cultu7ral and multinational State, some sections of Indian society are yet to come to terms with the ' imagined' Indian nation.
The common thread that arguably joins different ethno-cultural –linguistic groups within the Indian state (the idea of an essentially Hindu cultural unity-interpreted in cultural, geographical and religious sense) tends to have a sectional flavour and leaves out a sizable chunk and often alienates them. The historical reality of partition of British India on the principle of 'Two Nation theory' has its own corrupting influence on the making of the 'state nation '. The disaffection or dissatisfaction of ethno-cultural groups- who define themselves in national terms- often poses security threats when it matures into separatist or secessionist movement and it has to be properly factored into national security management.
The second and most important of the three terms is 'security'. Security is much more than the mere defense of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the country. Security of the nation means her security in every aspect of the national life including political, economic, cultural, environmental, and social.
The last of these three terms, i.e., 'management' means the process of managing and relates to the administration and regulation of available resource to achieve the organizational goals. So, taken together, 'national security management' means the proper administration and regulation of country's entire available resources to provide effective security to the nation and its nationals in every sense of the term.
Treats
Today, India is facing threats to her security from various quarters. The threats are both from within and from without. The treats are in the forms of outright enemy incursions as reflected in such instances as Kargil, Low intensity proxy war as in Kashmir, threats like nuclear strikes from unidentified sources or non-state actors, refuge influxes from across the border threatening the country politically, culturally and economically, religious fundamentalism, narco-terrorism, proliferation of small arms, many environmental hazards flowing is an a result of indiscriminate use of earth's resources by developed and developing countries, cultural invasion through media and economic insecurity of the country induced both by instability in the world market and inability at the domestic level to cope with changes induced by the forces of globalization.
The hydra-headed problem of poverty, weak economic base, unemployment, narrow regionalism, naxalism, communalism, infranationalism, secessionism, corruption, terrorism and weak institutional structure – all pose grave threats to the national security of this country. If we really mean to ménage our national security well, then we would have to work at all these levels and take a comprehensive and holistic approach to the issue of national security in the absence of which the continued survival of India Nation may be endangered.
Before looking at threats form without, one should try to put one's own house in order. India's image as a 'soft state', as termed by Gunnar Myrdal in his celebrated work Asian drama, has to be tackled first. This negative image perhaps derives form the fact that key institutional structures of the state are either in shambles or non-functional leading to her incapacitation at many levels and this has paralyzed the economy and polity in irrevocable ways on the one hand and encouraged fissiparous tendencies along the margins on the other. A rundown bureaucracy, rickety legislature, and indecisive executive and on overall image of a non-performing government does impact negatively on national security.
The first task confronting the Indian state is to raise an effective institutional structure to manage the affairs of the state and this will have its beneficial effect on the issue of national security in the long run.
Countering Threats
It is argued that a good infrastructure and a responsible government would be of no use unless and until we have a very alert, awakened, responsible and participative civil society. And to have such a civil society, there is a need to invest a lot in human resource of the state. This would also mean that everyone is well fed, well clad and well cared for. Otherwise, a starving and unemployed populace often transforms into a disaffected subject and poses new threats to national security, as was also attested by by Kautilya in his famous book, 'Arthashatra' Moreover, Indian state has to demonstrate is impartiality in the authoritative allocation of values and resources.
It is fact that Indian nation is facing lot many challenges from many disgruntled sections of India citizenry, because of a perceived bias in terms of value allocation by the Indian State power have to be careful in securing – what Rawls once said-'distributive justice' for its citizens and they have to ensure that the developmental pie does not get so unevenly distributed as to engender such circumstances which threaten the very survival of the state or nation. It is absolutely necessary to engineer developmental processes in such a manner that all the sections of Indian society are co-opted respectfully into the national mainstream. The government of the state should also see to it that there is no social injustice or inequity in the society as that often engenders social unrest leading to the break-up of the country – as was the case in East Pakistan in 1971. To misquote Machiavelli, the government should not only be doing justice but should also appear to be just.
Also, the galloping rate of population growth needs to be brought down to match the resources of the country. In the Indian case, it has definitely outpaced the resources at its command. The mismatch often creates instability and unrest in the society, which definitely is not good for the country. To ward against this, we need to have a very healthy economy with an efficient industrial and agricultural base. Again, a healthy economy requires good infrastructural base and a good mix of economic policies to support it.
Then, the political culture of a country should also be such as to provide a cushion to its national security. In a country like India, very often, competitive/populist democratic measures create problems like narrow regionalism, communalism, secessionism and infra-nationalism, which also prove suicidal to the national security. So, an effective national security management could be predicated on a reasonably responsible political culture with a very wide democratic base meaning thereby that we need to have an effective all-inclusive participatory democracy.
After we have all the above, we could think of other aspects of our national security. It is often said that India does not have a national security doctrine and it is often said to be toying with a concept of 'strategic ambivalence'. A very reputed security expert, George Tanham also feels that India lacks a 'culture of strategic thinking'. And even after the National Security Advisory Board led by the doyen of Indian strategic think tanks, Mr. K. Subrahmanyam came out with such a doctrine, we have not bothered to accept the same.
Need of a clear perspective
India's national security management continues to be ad hocish and reactive. The Kargil Committee Report pointed out many chinks in our security armour and then, there was a Group of Ministers' Report, which visualized many changes in our national security management but we are yet to see some positive changes on the security front. The National Security Council, formed to effectively manage country's security has proved to be still-born with the government hardly using it as a tool towards security management.
All one means to say here is that the government needs to be more serious and systematic about the national security management. It should not only have a crystal clear perspective and policy on national security but it should also put in place the required intuitional structures. National Security is a full time job and requires a full time national security Advisor rather that the one who also works as the Principal security to the Prime Minister. The long-felt need to have a Chief of Defense Staff for proper coordination among the different wings of our armed forces also needs to be seriously considered.
At a time when Alvin Toffler's third Wave' (i.e. communication and information revolution) is sweeping the world, we have to see to it that we are not unsettled by this phenomenon more so when we claim to be good at it and propose to make India a 'Knowledge society' And to the credit of the government, we already have the Report of the Information Task Force ( led first by Jaswant Singh and later by K.C. Pant), which has extensively talked about this aspect of national security. The point one is trying to make here is that we should be ready against an y attempt to invade our vast vital database through an informationì¥Á7
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b¬j††×0†ÓÓ†(fŽJ[1]ÙNATIONAL SECURITY MANAGEMENT :
SOME RELECTIONS
SAUMITRA MOHAN*
National security is a term, which us used very loosely today in common parlance. It is often associated with safeguards either against an enemy country's hostile incursions or maneuvering or against armed non-state actors out to challenge the authority of the state and cause irreparable damages to the unity and integrity of the state. However, national security subsumes these aspects and goes much beyond them and is much more inclusive and broader than commonly understood.
The theme of this paper as mentioned at the outset includes three terms namely 'national ', 'security' and management'. Before we go on to discuss the theme in detail, it would be better if we seek to understand what these terms stand for. The first of these, i.e., 'national' means something that us related to 'nation' which is regarded as being co-terminus with the 'state'. In case of India, it has often been said that it is more of a 'state-nation' than a 'nation state. Thiity management. And this is an ea of 'complex interdependence' as described by security experts Joseph Nye and Robert Keohane . Today, it is difficult to define security in terms of in terms of 'mine and thine' Today, security manes mutuality of approachesì¥Á7
ð¿
KbjbjUU
"T77
GÿÿÿÿÿÿlØbbbbnØvŽŽŽŽŽŽŽŽ†[1]ˆˆˆˆˆˆ$}
[1]6¬ŽŽŽŽŽ¬ŽŽÁŽ‑ŽŽ†Ž†p
††Ž‚ÀA0Æ•ÅØŠ
b¬j††×0†ÓÓ†(fŽJ[1]ÙNATIONAL SECURITY MANAGEMENT :
SOME RELECTIONS
SAUMITRA MOHAN*
National security is a term, which us used very loosely today in common parlance. It is often associated with safeguards either against an enemy country's hostile incursions or maneuvering or against armed non-state actors out to challenge the authority of the state and cause irreparable damages to the unity and integrity of the state. However, national security subsumes these aspects and goes much beyond them and is much more inclusive and broader than commonly understood.
The theme of this paper as mentioned at the outset includes three terms namely 'national ', 'security' and management'. Before we go on to discuss the theme in detail, it would be better if we seek to understand what these terms stand for. The first of these, i.e., 'national' means something that us related to 'nation' which is regarded as being co-terminus with the 'state'. In case of India, it has often been said that it is more of a 'state-nation' than a 'nation state. Thishould try to build defenses against war by investing more and more in peace, As the preamble to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and cultural Organization says, " It is in mind that war starts and it is there that the defenses of peace should be built". So, while a country needs to guard against the unwarranted invasion of its national culture, it should also see to it that an international culture or peace and prosperity develop through mutual cooperation and collaboration.
A country not only needs to manage her bilateral and multilateral relations well through effective confidence building measures but should also try to promote international treaties in disarmament and arms regulation aiming at the larger goal of international peace and security. For this, we also need to have strong international organizations in place and need to provide more teeth to organizations like the United Nations. Besides, potential of such established forums as Non-aligned Movement, G-77,G-24.G-15,G-8. ASEAN, SAARC and APEC need to be properly harnessed towards national and international security management as both the issues are intertwined.
Also, as far as possible a nation should try to use its diplomatic resources to the best. It should not only try to presume and neutralize possible enemy moves and maneuverings through confidence building measures and through proper preparations but should also try to expand here area of cooperation by either co-opting neutral and friendly countries to its side or by trying to get a toe-hold in their area of influence. As about India, one can say that India should strive to be a part of influential regional and international groupings like APEC, Asia-Europe Meetings and United Nations Security Council.
Diplomatic resources should be properly harnessed and deployed fro wooing the powerful members of international community to a country's own point of view, for promoting its values, for cooperation in such fields as technological exchange and economic cooperation.
Also, India should utilize Indian Diaspora and its resources abroad in such diplomatic exercises. India also has to realize that she cannot make much headway in national security management as long as South Asia remains hostage to the continuous confrontations between India and Pakistan. So, national security for any member country of South Asia should also mean rapprochement between India and Pakistan and only then can the vast resources of the region be properly channeled towards development. Hence, India, as the most powerful country in the region has to see to it that Cold War, which has ended elsewhere, ends in South Asia as well.
Apart from all the above, it is always advisable to have an inner circle of close allies and in India's case, such allies could be Russia, Israel, china and France and at the same time India can improve its strategic relationship with the USA. There is already a talk of a 'strategic triangle' among India, Russia and China. India should seriously explore the feasibility of such a concept.
To conclude, on can say that an effective national security management requires strong institutions, a responsible government, an effective national security policy, a participative and vibrant civil society, a just social structure, a well-oiled economic and political system with a sense of 'distributive justice', a healthy culture of peace, a better war-preparedness, a good diplomatic machinery and cascading international cooperation in different spheres through continuous confidence building measures.
Stepping Stones to Success
Stepping Stones to Success
By Saumitra Mohan
All if us keep dreaming of making it big one day though only some of us are lucky enough to achieve what we aspire for. The best way to make one's dream come true is to wake up and act to realize the same. Even though there are many dream careers to look forward to, but there are only few who are able to complete the journey to the final destination. Many either drop out or fall by the way side in their bid to snatch a place in the sun. Even though, a government job does have all its attractions, but it is not be all and end all. There are far better, more challenging, offering more opportunities, monetarily more rewarding and above all, more satisfying jobs available in the private sector. But one has to have all that qualities in oneself that goes into making of a person worthy of such a responsible position.
At a time, when the government in its bid to shed the unnecessary flab that it had gathered all these preceding years is increasingly reducing the number of vacancies, one has to be extra cagey when one selects one's career. Though it is always better that one starts early and makes one's career choice right in the beginning, say when one completes the matriculation or the intermediate. But as they say, it is never too late. What one needs is planning, strong determination, devotion, dedication and hard work. One should plan one's work and then work one's plan.
One thing that is very important when you set about the achievement of any career goal is an honest self-appraisal. You should through a thorough introspection, cross-examine yourself and ask yourself as to whether you have all the requisite qualities necessary for the achievement of the career goal that you have set for yourself. Any mistake at this level could prove suicidal and would lead you nowhere. So, try to avoid under or overestimation of yourself. Underestimation of your potential would not only waste the human resource in you but it would always make you feel dissatisfied and unfulfilled. On the other hand, overestimation would not only keep the success away from you, at the end of the day it would also make you feel completely frustrated and incapable of any attainment. So, always be on your guard when you set about the exercise of self-assessment and never let others take decisions for you. Take your decisions and fight your own battles. And never forget to do a cost-benefit analysis before you finally take a decision. Always weigh all the options available before you and then opt for the one you deem most suitable for you.
Yes, if you are ambitious and have the grit and determination to move the mountains then you can indulge in the luxury of setting a high profile career goal that may not match your inherent qualities. All you need to do in such a situation is to uplift yourself to meet the demands of your career goal. Never forget that the number of those desirous of a job exceed by many times than the number of jobs available. So, you have to master all those qualities and attributes in such a way as to make you more than worthy of the job you hold. Let me enter one caveat here. Take care that you don't put all your eggs in one basket. May be that you have taken utmost care to select your career goal and may be that you put in all your effort to realize the same but it is also possible that things may not turn out the way you thought they would. Therefore, as far as possible keep other options open.
There are some common qualities, which are desideratum for success anywhere, and if you have mastered them, sky is the limit for you. They inter alia include a very good command over knowledge of your field, a good penmanship or writing skills, a reasonably good oratorical skill, self confidence, capacity to work hard, honesty in everything you do and a concern for the larger society. The more you can add to your positive qualities, the better. The most important of these positive qualities include a good oratorical and a good writing skill with equally good command over language and knowledge, not to speak of a polite and positive outlook. If you have them all in good or reasonably good measure, believe me sooner or later Lady Luck would be smiling on you and showering the bounties you have desired all along.
So, make good habits and then wait and watch what your habits make of you. Change your routine and habits according to the set goal. Always keep in mind your goal and let your goal goad all your activities. All your actions should in one or the other way contribute to the attainment of your goals. If you feel that the atmosphere around you is not conducive to the realization of your goal, then create the necessary atmosphere yourself by befriending those you either share your career goal with or are somehow can make a positive contribution in your endeavors. Find out the rough edges in your personality and strive hard to smoothen the same. All your activities should revolve around and should be aimed at the achievement of your career goal.
Always remember one thing. In your bid to get to your coveted goal, never ever tie yourself up so much as to make your life dull and drab. Life is beautiful and human life is more so. So, even while go about your preparations for the realization of your dream career, don't stop enjoying life. Have some time also for fun and frolicking. Do not forget to chill out after a grueling round of studies. Try to fit in your fun time and fun things in a way as to assist you in the advancement of your career goal. All that is being suggested here is that try to mix and match your career and fun activities in such a way that it takes you nearer to your career goal.
There would be hurdles and they would be legion but always remember that when the going gets though, the tough gets going. After all, success never goes through short cut. Also, when you are desirous of success, be ready for failures on your way. Don't forget the hoary dictum that failures are the pillars of success. And failures are never getting knocked down, but it is not getting up. After all, no defeat is final until one stops trying.
*Saumitra Mohan is an Indian Administrative Service officer presently working as Sub-Divisional Officer, Alipurduar, Jalpaiguri, West Bengal.
Address for correspondence: Saumitra Mohan, IAS, SDO, Alipurduar, PO- Alipurduar, Jalpaiguri-736122.
E-mail: saumitra_mohan@hotmail.com.
Phone: 09434242283/03564-255188/03564-256391.
By Saumitra Mohan
All if us keep dreaming of making it big one day though only some of us are lucky enough to achieve what we aspire for. The best way to make one's dream come true is to wake up and act to realize the same. Even though there are many dream careers to look forward to, but there are only few who are able to complete the journey to the final destination. Many either drop out or fall by the way side in their bid to snatch a place in the sun. Even though, a government job does have all its attractions, but it is not be all and end all. There are far better, more challenging, offering more opportunities, monetarily more rewarding and above all, more satisfying jobs available in the private sector. But one has to have all that qualities in oneself that goes into making of a person worthy of such a responsible position.
At a time, when the government in its bid to shed the unnecessary flab that it had gathered all these preceding years is increasingly reducing the number of vacancies, one has to be extra cagey when one selects one's career. Though it is always better that one starts early and makes one's career choice right in the beginning, say when one completes the matriculation or the intermediate. But as they say, it is never too late. What one needs is planning, strong determination, devotion, dedication and hard work. One should plan one's work and then work one's plan.
One thing that is very important when you set about the achievement of any career goal is an honest self-appraisal. You should through a thorough introspection, cross-examine yourself and ask yourself as to whether you have all the requisite qualities necessary for the achievement of the career goal that you have set for yourself. Any mistake at this level could prove suicidal and would lead you nowhere. So, try to avoid under or overestimation of yourself. Underestimation of your potential would not only waste the human resource in you but it would always make you feel dissatisfied and unfulfilled. On the other hand, overestimation would not only keep the success away from you, at the end of the day it would also make you feel completely frustrated and incapable of any attainment. So, always be on your guard when you set about the exercise of self-assessment and never let others take decisions for you. Take your decisions and fight your own battles. And never forget to do a cost-benefit analysis before you finally take a decision. Always weigh all the options available before you and then opt for the one you deem most suitable for you.
Yes, if you are ambitious and have the grit and determination to move the mountains then you can indulge in the luxury of setting a high profile career goal that may not match your inherent qualities. All you need to do in such a situation is to uplift yourself to meet the demands of your career goal. Never forget that the number of those desirous of a job exceed by many times than the number of jobs available. So, you have to master all those qualities and attributes in such a way as to make you more than worthy of the job you hold. Let me enter one caveat here. Take care that you don't put all your eggs in one basket. May be that you have taken utmost care to select your career goal and may be that you put in all your effort to realize the same but it is also possible that things may not turn out the way you thought they would. Therefore, as far as possible keep other options open.
There are some common qualities, which are desideratum for success anywhere, and if you have mastered them, sky is the limit for you. They inter alia include a very good command over knowledge of your field, a good penmanship or writing skills, a reasonably good oratorical skill, self confidence, capacity to work hard, honesty in everything you do and a concern for the larger society. The more you can add to your positive qualities, the better. The most important of these positive qualities include a good oratorical and a good writing skill with equally good command over language and knowledge, not to speak of a polite and positive outlook. If you have them all in good or reasonably good measure, believe me sooner or later Lady Luck would be smiling on you and showering the bounties you have desired all along.
So, make good habits and then wait and watch what your habits make of you. Change your routine and habits according to the set goal. Always keep in mind your goal and let your goal goad all your activities. All your actions should in one or the other way contribute to the attainment of your goals. If you feel that the atmosphere around you is not conducive to the realization of your goal, then create the necessary atmosphere yourself by befriending those you either share your career goal with or are somehow can make a positive contribution in your endeavors. Find out the rough edges in your personality and strive hard to smoothen the same. All your activities should revolve around and should be aimed at the achievement of your career goal.
Always remember one thing. In your bid to get to your coveted goal, never ever tie yourself up so much as to make your life dull and drab. Life is beautiful and human life is more so. So, even while go about your preparations for the realization of your dream career, don't stop enjoying life. Have some time also for fun and frolicking. Do not forget to chill out after a grueling round of studies. Try to fit in your fun time and fun things in a way as to assist you in the advancement of your career goal. All that is being suggested here is that try to mix and match your career and fun activities in such a way that it takes you nearer to your career goal.
There would be hurdles and they would be legion but always remember that when the going gets though, the tough gets going. After all, success never goes through short cut. Also, when you are desirous of success, be ready for failures on your way. Don't forget the hoary dictum that failures are the pillars of success. And failures are never getting knocked down, but it is not getting up. After all, no defeat is final until one stops trying.
*Saumitra Mohan is an Indian Administrative Service officer presently working as Sub-Divisional Officer, Alipurduar, Jalpaiguri, West Bengal.
Address for correspondence: Saumitra Mohan, IAS, SDO, Alipurduar, PO- Alipurduar, Jalpaiguri-736122.
E-mail: saumitra_mohan@hotmail.com.
Phone: 09434242283/03564-255188/03564-256391.
REGIMES IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: A STUDY OF THE REFUGEE PROBLEM IN SOUTH ASIA
REGIMES IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: A STUDY OF THE REFUGEE PROBLEM IN SOUTH ASIA
INTRODUCTION:
In recent times, a number of regimes have proliferated on international scence. And as the world sees more liberalization of national economies and the consequent globalisation, nations are increasingly coming together and interacting in a wide variety of issue areas. This increased interaction has definitely given rise to a multiplicity of regimes as facilitatory instrument for cooperation.
Though in its new terminological avatar as 'regimes', they seem to be new but they have been an indispensable part of international politics since the dawn of the Westphalian nation-state system. As sets of implicit or explicit 'principles, norms, rules and decision-making procedures around which actors' expectations converge in a given area of international relations', regimes have long been there and impacting international relations positively or negatively.
Be it environment, terrorism, drug-trafficking, human rights, nuclear proliferation, economic cooperation, international security or refugee problem, any cooperation in any of the issue area of international relations is often and always mediated through these regimes. Regimes not only facilitate and generate cooperation but the other way round is also true i.e. often cooperation has led to the emergence of new regimes or the consolidation of the previously existing regimes.
In a globalised world where borders have been rendered meaningless thanks to the revolution in information and communication or what Alvin Toffler calls the 'Third Wave', and in a world which continues to be as anarchical as ever before, it is regimes only which impart this seemingly unruly and anarchical world a semblance of order.
It is regimes and not an overarching central authority, which have been a disciplining influence in international relations and, thus, vicariously playing the role of the latter. As such the importance of regimes increases even further and the issue of regimes need to be studied more seriously so as to bring out their importance and effectiveness in international relations.
Over the last two decades, international regimes have emerged as a major focus of empirical research and theoretical debate within international relations. The interest in regimes sprang from a dissatisfaction with dominant conceptions of international order, authority and organisation. The sharp contrast between the competitive, zero-sum 'anarchy' of inter-state relations and the 'authority' of domestic politics seemed overdrawn in explaining cooperative behaviour among the advanced industrial states. The policy dilemmas created by the growth of interdependence since the World War II generated new forms of coordination and organisation that fit uneasily in a realist framework.
Intellectual traditions emphasising the 'societal' dimensions of international politics suffered, however, from a lingering taint of idealism. Realism questioned the importance of international law as a constraint as state behaviour and by the 1970s, its positive study of regional integration, generated rich theoretical debates during the 1960s. Yet, the field remained closely tied to the study of formal organisations, missing a range of state behaviour that nonetheless appeared regulated or organised in a broader sense. Few strong theories started from the assumptions that 'international behaviour is institutionalized', as John G. Ruggie said.
Regime analysis attempted to fill this lacuna by defining a focus that was neither as broad as international structure, nor as narrow as the study of formal organisations. Regime analysts assumed that patterns of state action are influenced by norms, but that such norm-governed behaviour was wholly consistent with the pursuit of national interests. Hence, the literature on regime can be viewed as an experiment in reconciling the idealist and realist traditions.
It would be worth its while to submit this debate over regime to a critical review. a plethora contending theories have explained regime creation, maintenance and transformation but the relationship among them is unclear and empirical research has yet to determine which are the more plausible. While earlier work on regimes focused on interdependence, the widening variety of stare goals, and the importance of non-state actors and international organizations, recent work on regimes and international cooperation unfortunately reverts to an approach, which treats states as unified rational actions. In addition, little research has addressed whether and in what ways, 'regimes' matter.
In such a situation, it would be worth its while to see and find out as to how regimes in as important an issue area as refugees have been evolving in as volatile a region as South Asia. South Asia, which has been both a refugee generating and a refugee-receiving region has also long been in the thick of the refugee problem and has been dealing with the problem at various levels to tide over the crisis at hand. But, often it has come to be noticed that the approaches of South Asian governments towards the refugee problem in their respective countries has not been very systematic and organised informed as they are by ad hocism and dilettantism.
Nevertheless, a refugee regime has been slowly evolving in this part of the world despite the fact that none of the South Asian countries has its own specific national legislation on refugees nor has any or them acceded to the international instruments of refugees. But, their national laws in other related areas and their accession to many other international treaties and instruments have come in handy to fill in the gap to bolster and cushion the rights of refugees in their territories. Also, South Asian governments, UNHCR and various national and international non-governmental organisations have been constantly interacting to work towards the evolution of a common refugee regime in South Asia.
From a population displacement perspective, South Asian region has a unique history. The States of India and Pakistan and later Bangladesh got defined from massive refugee movements. After 1947 partition 7.5 million Hindu and Sikh refugees from Pakistan crossed over to India and 7.2 million Muslim refugees from India crossed to Pakistan. It was the largest recorded refugee movement in history. There was no or little international assistance in this massive and painful humanitarian crisis. in 1971, 10 million Bengalis crossed to India during tyhe war of independence of Bangladesh. in 1979, 3.5 million Afghans fleeing Soviet intervention in that country sought and received asylum in Pakistan of which 1.2 million are still languishing in the refugee villages. In 1992, Bangladesh was inundated for a second time in recent history with the influx of 250,000 Muslim refugees from Rakhine district in Myanmar of whom nearly 30,000 refugees had still failed to repatriate. Similarly, 90,000 Bhutanese of Nepali origin were expelled and are still located in refugee camps in Jhapa district of Nepal.
Sri Lanka, despite her insular position was once described in a report as an 'Island of Refugees' due to external displacement of Tamils and internal displacements of Sinhalese, Tamil and Muslims. Sri Lanka has never been known as an asylum country but is well known as a refugee producing country. Since 1983, Sri Lanka has produced aprat from over 500,000 Sri Lankan Tamil 'jet refugees' to the western world; three waves of Tamil refugees to India in 1983-87; 1990-91 and after April 1995. Major portion of Sri Lankan refugees in Tamil Nadu had voluntarily repatriated but still some 60,000 have remained behind due to the ongoing security crisis in North-East Sri Lanka. Since 1960's, India hosts over 100,000 Tibetan refugees and some 50,000 Buddhist Chakma refugees from Chittagong hill tracts in Bangladesh, some of whom repatriated recently under a political settlement. India also has permitted UNHCR to assist 20,000 Afghan refugees on pure humanitarian grounds, Maldives is the only SAARC country, which neither produced nor hosted a significant refugee population.
Despite these past and existing refugees movements and deep rooted humanitarian traditions of asylum, none of the SAARC countries have acceded to the 1951 International Convention on Refugees or its 1967 Protocol which had been ratified by 136 countries in the world. However, all the SAARC countries except Bhutan and Nepal have offices of the UNHCR, the UN agency responsible for the promotion of the Refugee Instruments and marshaling of international humanitarian assistance on behalf of the refugees. UNHCR provided international protection and assistance to Afghan and Iraqi refugees in Pakistan. in India, UNHCR provides assistance to some 20,000 urban Afghan refugees and from Madras, monitors the voluntary nature of the Sri Lankan Tamil refugee repatriation. UNHCR also provides assistance to the government of Nepal to look after the asylum seekers from Bhutan and monitors the repatriation of Rohinghya refugees from Bangladesh to Myanmar. In view of the importance of UNHCR''s role in refugee matters, Bangladesh, India and Pakistan applied and became members of UNHCR's Executive Committee, the highest policy making body in the Organisation. They have played an active role in the deliberations of refugee policy during the past few years.
The gamut of reasons adduced for the non-accession to the 1951 Convention or the 1967 Protocol by SAARC countries other than the island states are very similar in content. They argue that they have rich traditions of asylum comparable with international standards some times even going beyond what was practiced by some of the party signatories to the International Refugee Instruments. Therefore, they would continue to deal with refugee issues on an ad hoc bi-lateral policy basis but welcomed international humanitarian assistance on the basis of burden-sharing India being an exception. SAARC countries further argue that the persecution-based 1951 Convention or 1967 Protocol is inadequate to comprehensively address the current refugee issues in the region which were mostly the result of internal conflicts and not due to fear of persecution by the states per se. In support of their contention that the International Refugee Instruments were inadequate, they cite the regional refugee instruments of Africa, the 1958 Organisation of African Unity Convention and on refugees in Latin America, the 1984 Cartagena Declaration on Refugees.
It is in the above context, that a regional convention or a declaration on refugees by the SAARC countries becomes timely and relevant. SAARC Charter provides against discussion of bilateral and contentious issues. Summit retreats had somewhat overcome this limitation. Refugee issues when discussed bilaterally without regional or international commitment to a set of guiding principles could become contentious. Refugee situation in South Asia has become chronic and has affected both national security and inter-state relations due to the reluctance of states to discuss them on pure humanitarian basis. A regional agreement of fundamental questions such as the definition of a refugee, the granting of asylum and the exceptions thereto, the cardinal principle of non-refoulement, or the voluntary nature of eventual repatriation of refugees would reduce the room for friction between the state interlocutors.
A SAARC Refugee Convention/Declaration would also mean a great step forward in developing a humanitarian law regime in the region. The immediate beneficiaries would, of course, be the refugees themselves in different SAARC countries of whom over 70 per cent are women and children. In the absence of a normative refugee standard, refugees in South Asia, today, live in fear of capricious actions by refugee officials. Since all refugees are technically considered illegal aliens, they have no institutional protection or the protection of the principle of the Rule of Law. In the case of India, the Superior Courts had addressed certain humanitarian concerns of refugees on the basis of constitutionally guaranteed fundamental and human rights. But no such developments had taken place in any other SAARC countries. the prevailing political and security preoccupations of each country determines the standards of treatment of refugees these standards may differ from time to time, from one country to another or the whims and fancies of the refugee officials. in short, article 14 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights:- "Everyone has the right to seek and enjoy asylum from persecution" has been reduced to hollow international legal rhetoric.
In developing a regional convention/declaration on refugees, SAARC countries would only be recognising and refining the existing traditional humanitarian policies. They will be developing a set of non-contentious humanitarian principles, which will enhance the organisational solidarity and its commitment to respect human rights. It will further strengthen SAARC position in the international fora. Such a convention or declaration would not be a document borrowed from outside not suitable for specific needs of the problem of refugees in the region but a SAARC-developed piece of international law.
The proposed study would thus not only study and explore the fungibility of regimes in international relations but would also explore their working in the issue area of refugee problem. In this regard, working and development of refugee regimes would be specially emphasised upon with the study of the steps taken and suggestions proffered towards the evolution of a common refugee framework in the region.
Survey of Literature:
1. Stephen Krasner (ed.), International Regimes, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1983.
This book is a landmark work in the area of regime theory. It includes a number of contributions from scholars like Susan Strange, Donald Puchala and Raymond Hopkins and of course, Stephen Krasner himself. The book tries to cover the debates over different perspectives on regimes and discusses their effectiveness in international relations.
2. Ernst B. Haas, "On Systems and International Regimes", World Politics 27, January 1975, pp 147-74.
In this article, Haas has used the term 'regimes' in a purely descriptive way to group a range of state behaviours in a particular issue-area, but since the potential for tautology is high, this approach has largely been abandoned.
3. Ernst B. Haas, "Why collaborate? Issue-linkage and International Regimes", World Politics 32, April 1980, pp 357-405.
Here, Haas talks how international regimes facilitate cooperation through linkages between different issue-areas.
4. Charles Lipson, Standing Guard: Protecting Foreign Capital in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, Berkley: University of California Press, 1985.
5. Robert Keohane, After Hegemony
6. Stephen Krasner, Structural Conflict: The Third World Against Global Liberation, Berkley: University of California, 1985.
7. Vinod Aggarwal, Liberal Protectionism: The International Politics of Organised Textile Trade, Berkley: University of California Press, 1982.
The majority of 'regime change' studies in these books try to explain as to why regimes eventually weaken or decay. Strength is measured by the degree of compliance with regime injunctions, particularly in instances where short-term or 'myopic' self-interests collide with regime rules.
8. S. D. Muni and Lokraj Baral (ed.), Refugee and Regional Security in South Asia, Konark Publishers Pvt. Ltd., 1996.
This edited book includes many papers from eminent scholars working in the field of refugees. The book talks about the problems of different refugee groups in South Asia and measures undertaken to alleviate them. Also, it relates the refugee problem with the general problem of security and recommends solutions and measures to resolve them.
9. Ved P. Nanada (ed.), Refugee Law and Policy: International and US Responses, published under the auspices of the Consortium on Human Rights Development, Greenwood Press, New York, Westport, Connecticut and London, 1989.
This book discusses the nature and extent of the refugee problem; international refugee law; and selected issues of the refugee problem are dealt with in this book. The issues include among others problems of asylum and sanctuary, rights of refugees under international humanitarian law, refugee generating conduct, refugee protection mechanism and probable solutions of the refugee problem.
10. Guy S. Goodwin-Gill, The Refugee in International Law, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1983.
This book, as the name suggests, describes and discusses the existing international law on refugees and the status of refugees in international law. The book also discusses such related issues as the definition of refugee, determination of refugee status, loss and denial of refugee status, problems relating to asylum and international protection available to refugees.
11. Guy S. Goodwin-Gill, International Law and Human Rights: Trends Concerning International Migrants and Refugees, International Migration Review, 23 (3), Fall 1989, pp. 579-98.
The article locates both the migrant and the refugee community within the human rights context. It briefly examines the internationalisation of human rights over the last forty years, with its important implications for citizens and non-nationals alike. It recalls the basic universal and regional texts, and examines their authority and legal force vis-a-vis national, intergovernmental organisations and individuals.
But all the books and articles in the field talk about regime and refugees separately and there has not been a serious attempt to relate the two and discuss the problems of refugee regimes in international field as such. This dichotomous gap between the two needs to be bridged and problems and constraints of regimes in the area of refugees need to be explored in a more systematic way. Also, this study proposed to look specifically into the development of refugee regimes in South Asia and explore the possibilities of emergence of a common framework on refugee regime in the region.
OBJECTIVES:
1.To improve our understanding of international order and international cooperation through an interpretation of international regime-formation that relies heavily on rational-choice analysis in the utilitarian social contract tradition
2. To find out as to why self-interested actors in world politics should seek under certain circumstances to establish international regimes through mutual agreement.
3. To account for fluctuations over time in the number, extent and strength of international regimes on the basis of rational calculations under varying circumstances.
4. To critically review and analyze the working of regimes in international relations.
5. To discuss and analyze different theories of regime.
6. To study and critically review the status and development refugee regimes in South Asia.
7. To study the feasibility of a common refugee framework in South Asia.
8. To find out as to what extent absence of national refugee law and non-accession to international refugee law has affected the management of the refugee problem in South Asia.
9. To describe and discuss the refugee problem in South Asia.
RESEARCH QUESTIONS:
1. Do regimes really work?
2. Are regimes custom-made to suit the interests of the powerful?
3. Do regimes work in all issue-areas?
4. What has been the progress on refugee regime?
5. Is a refugee regime in South Asia emerging?
6. How severe is the refugee problem in South Asia?
7. What are the implications of refugee problem for international relations?
8. Can a common refugee regime for South Asia help the better management of the refugee problem in South Asia.
9. Can cooperation on refugees lead to functional cooperation in other issue-areas of importance to the region.
10. What should be a model refugee regime for South Asia.
11. Do regimes have independent influence on state behaviour and if so, how?
METHODOLOGY:
The proposed study will be historio-analytical, descriptive and explanatory in nature. A thematic approach would be preferred to a chronological framework as the nature of this study does not demand that. This study, for analytical convenience, would separately deal with the theoretical aspects of regimes and the applied aspects of the feasibility of a refugee regime in South Asia.
Both primary and secondary sources will be used. The primary data will be obtained by consulting official documents, press releases and records of the member countries of SAARC, UNHCR, national and international non-governmental organisations and institutions of relevance to this study. Where and when required, interview and questionnaire techniques will be employed for data collection. Secondary sources would include books, journals, newspapers and official reports.
CHAPTERISATON:
There would be six chapters which tentatively could be titled as following:
1. INTRODUCTION:
This chapter will introduce the topic defining and debating the different perspectives on regimes relating the same with the refugee problem in South Asia.
2. REGIMES IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS:
This chapter will talk about the functions, dysfunctions and the role regimes have been playing in international politics and the extent to which they have affected the process of international politics. It would also discuss different proposals as to how to make regimes more helpful as a tool for furthering international cooperation so as to keep pace with changing international relations.
3. REFUGEE PROBLEM IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS:
This chapter will discuss and debate the refugee problem in international relations. Whether the refugee issue is really so involved as to be called a problem and if yes, to what extent they have been influencing international relations and international politics. It will also delineate the scale of refugee problem and measures undertaken to resolve it.
4. REFUGEE PROBLEM IN SOUTH ASIA:
This chapter will deal specifically with the refugee problem in South Asia defining and delineating the contours and scale of the refugee problem in the region. It will also talk like the previous one as to how the refugee problem has been impacting bilateral and multilateral relations between and among the countries of South Asia.
5. REFUGEE REGIME IN SOUTH ASIA:
This chapter will detail and discuss the state of refugee regime in South Asia. It would discuss the progress made towards a common refugee regime talking in detail about the role played by different agencies in this regard.
6. CONCLUSION:
As the name suggests, this chapter will conclude the principal arguments and findings of the foregoing chapters.
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Newspapers:
1. The Times of India.
2. The Hindustan Times.
3. The Hindu.
4. The Statesman.
5. The Asian Age.
6. The Pioneer.
7. The Telegraph.
8. The Economic Times.
9. UNHCR CD‑ROM
INTRODUCTION:
In recent times, a number of regimes have proliferated on international scence. And as the world sees more liberalization of national economies and the consequent globalisation, nations are increasingly coming together and interacting in a wide variety of issue areas. This increased interaction has definitely given rise to a multiplicity of regimes as facilitatory instrument for cooperation.
Though in its new terminological avatar as 'regimes', they seem to be new but they have been an indispensable part of international politics since the dawn of the Westphalian nation-state system. As sets of implicit or explicit 'principles, norms, rules and decision-making procedures around which actors' expectations converge in a given area of international relations', regimes have long been there and impacting international relations positively or negatively.
Be it environment, terrorism, drug-trafficking, human rights, nuclear proliferation, economic cooperation, international security or refugee problem, any cooperation in any of the issue area of international relations is often and always mediated through these regimes. Regimes not only facilitate and generate cooperation but the other way round is also true i.e. often cooperation has led to the emergence of new regimes or the consolidation of the previously existing regimes.
In a globalised world where borders have been rendered meaningless thanks to the revolution in information and communication or what Alvin Toffler calls the 'Third Wave', and in a world which continues to be as anarchical as ever before, it is regimes only which impart this seemingly unruly and anarchical world a semblance of order.
It is regimes and not an overarching central authority, which have been a disciplining influence in international relations and, thus, vicariously playing the role of the latter. As such the importance of regimes increases even further and the issue of regimes need to be studied more seriously so as to bring out their importance and effectiveness in international relations.
Over the last two decades, international regimes have emerged as a major focus of empirical research and theoretical debate within international relations. The interest in regimes sprang from a dissatisfaction with dominant conceptions of international order, authority and organisation. The sharp contrast between the competitive, zero-sum 'anarchy' of inter-state relations and the 'authority' of domestic politics seemed overdrawn in explaining cooperative behaviour among the advanced industrial states. The policy dilemmas created by the growth of interdependence since the World War II generated new forms of coordination and organisation that fit uneasily in a realist framework.
Intellectual traditions emphasising the 'societal' dimensions of international politics suffered, however, from a lingering taint of idealism. Realism questioned the importance of international law as a constraint as state behaviour and by the 1970s, its positive study of regional integration, generated rich theoretical debates during the 1960s. Yet, the field remained closely tied to the study of formal organisations, missing a range of state behaviour that nonetheless appeared regulated or organised in a broader sense. Few strong theories started from the assumptions that 'international behaviour is institutionalized', as John G. Ruggie said.
Regime analysis attempted to fill this lacuna by defining a focus that was neither as broad as international structure, nor as narrow as the study of formal organisations. Regime analysts assumed that patterns of state action are influenced by norms, but that such norm-governed behaviour was wholly consistent with the pursuit of national interests. Hence, the literature on regime can be viewed as an experiment in reconciling the idealist and realist traditions.
It would be worth its while to submit this debate over regime to a critical review. a plethora contending theories have explained regime creation, maintenance and transformation but the relationship among them is unclear and empirical research has yet to determine which are the more plausible. While earlier work on regimes focused on interdependence, the widening variety of stare goals, and the importance of non-state actors and international organizations, recent work on regimes and international cooperation unfortunately reverts to an approach, which treats states as unified rational actions. In addition, little research has addressed whether and in what ways, 'regimes' matter.
In such a situation, it would be worth its while to see and find out as to how regimes in as important an issue area as refugees have been evolving in as volatile a region as South Asia. South Asia, which has been both a refugee generating and a refugee-receiving region has also long been in the thick of the refugee problem and has been dealing with the problem at various levels to tide over the crisis at hand. But, often it has come to be noticed that the approaches of South Asian governments towards the refugee problem in their respective countries has not been very systematic and organised informed as they are by ad hocism and dilettantism.
Nevertheless, a refugee regime has been slowly evolving in this part of the world despite the fact that none of the South Asian countries has its own specific national legislation on refugees nor has any or them acceded to the international instruments of refugees. But, their national laws in other related areas and their accession to many other international treaties and instruments have come in handy to fill in the gap to bolster and cushion the rights of refugees in their territories. Also, South Asian governments, UNHCR and various national and international non-governmental organisations have been constantly interacting to work towards the evolution of a common refugee regime in South Asia.
From a population displacement perspective, South Asian region has a unique history. The States of India and Pakistan and later Bangladesh got defined from massive refugee movements. After 1947 partition 7.5 million Hindu and Sikh refugees from Pakistan crossed over to India and 7.2 million Muslim refugees from India crossed to Pakistan. It was the largest recorded refugee movement in history. There was no or little international assistance in this massive and painful humanitarian crisis. in 1971, 10 million Bengalis crossed to India during tyhe war of independence of Bangladesh. in 1979, 3.5 million Afghans fleeing Soviet intervention in that country sought and received asylum in Pakistan of which 1.2 million are still languishing in the refugee villages. In 1992, Bangladesh was inundated for a second time in recent history with the influx of 250,000 Muslim refugees from Rakhine district in Myanmar of whom nearly 30,000 refugees had still failed to repatriate. Similarly, 90,000 Bhutanese of Nepali origin were expelled and are still located in refugee camps in Jhapa district of Nepal.
Sri Lanka, despite her insular position was once described in a report as an 'Island of Refugees' due to external displacement of Tamils and internal displacements of Sinhalese, Tamil and Muslims. Sri Lanka has never been known as an asylum country but is well known as a refugee producing country. Since 1983, Sri Lanka has produced aprat from over 500,000 Sri Lankan Tamil 'jet refugees' to the western world; three waves of Tamil refugees to India in 1983-87; 1990-91 and after April 1995. Major portion of Sri Lankan refugees in Tamil Nadu had voluntarily repatriated but still some 60,000 have remained behind due to the ongoing security crisis in North-East Sri Lanka. Since 1960's, India hosts over 100,000 Tibetan refugees and some 50,000 Buddhist Chakma refugees from Chittagong hill tracts in Bangladesh, some of whom repatriated recently under a political settlement. India also has permitted UNHCR to assist 20,000 Afghan refugees on pure humanitarian grounds, Maldives is the only SAARC country, which neither produced nor hosted a significant refugee population.
Despite these past and existing refugees movements and deep rooted humanitarian traditions of asylum, none of the SAARC countries have acceded to the 1951 International Convention on Refugees or its 1967 Protocol which had been ratified by 136 countries in the world. However, all the SAARC countries except Bhutan and Nepal have offices of the UNHCR, the UN agency responsible for the promotion of the Refugee Instruments and marshaling of international humanitarian assistance on behalf of the refugees. UNHCR provided international protection and assistance to Afghan and Iraqi refugees in Pakistan. in India, UNHCR provides assistance to some 20,000 urban Afghan refugees and from Madras, monitors the voluntary nature of the Sri Lankan Tamil refugee repatriation. UNHCR also provides assistance to the government of Nepal to look after the asylum seekers from Bhutan and monitors the repatriation of Rohinghya refugees from Bangladesh to Myanmar. In view of the importance of UNHCR''s role in refugee matters, Bangladesh, India and Pakistan applied and became members of UNHCR's Executive Committee, the highest policy making body in the Organisation. They have played an active role in the deliberations of refugee policy during the past few years.
The gamut of reasons adduced for the non-accession to the 1951 Convention or the 1967 Protocol by SAARC countries other than the island states are very similar in content. They argue that they have rich traditions of asylum comparable with international standards some times even going beyond what was practiced by some of the party signatories to the International Refugee Instruments. Therefore, they would continue to deal with refugee issues on an ad hoc bi-lateral policy basis but welcomed international humanitarian assistance on the basis of burden-sharing India being an exception. SAARC countries further argue that the persecution-based 1951 Convention or 1967 Protocol is inadequate to comprehensively address the current refugee issues in the region which were mostly the result of internal conflicts and not due to fear of persecution by the states per se. In support of their contention that the International Refugee Instruments were inadequate, they cite the regional refugee instruments of Africa, the 1958 Organisation of African Unity Convention and on refugees in Latin America, the 1984 Cartagena Declaration on Refugees.
It is in the above context, that a regional convention or a declaration on refugees by the SAARC countries becomes timely and relevant. SAARC Charter provides against discussion of bilateral and contentious issues. Summit retreats had somewhat overcome this limitation. Refugee issues when discussed bilaterally without regional or international commitment to a set of guiding principles could become contentious. Refugee situation in South Asia has become chronic and has affected both national security and inter-state relations due to the reluctance of states to discuss them on pure humanitarian basis. A regional agreement of fundamental questions such as the definition of a refugee, the granting of asylum and the exceptions thereto, the cardinal principle of non-refoulement, or the voluntary nature of eventual repatriation of refugees would reduce the room for friction between the state interlocutors.
A SAARC Refugee Convention/Declaration would also mean a great step forward in developing a humanitarian law regime in the region. The immediate beneficiaries would, of course, be the refugees themselves in different SAARC countries of whom over 70 per cent are women and children. In the absence of a normative refugee standard, refugees in South Asia, today, live in fear of capricious actions by refugee officials. Since all refugees are technically considered illegal aliens, they have no institutional protection or the protection of the principle of the Rule of Law. In the case of India, the Superior Courts had addressed certain humanitarian concerns of refugees on the basis of constitutionally guaranteed fundamental and human rights. But no such developments had taken place in any other SAARC countries. the prevailing political and security preoccupations of each country determines the standards of treatment of refugees these standards may differ from time to time, from one country to another or the whims and fancies of the refugee officials. in short, article 14 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights:- "Everyone has the right to seek and enjoy asylum from persecution" has been reduced to hollow international legal rhetoric.
In developing a regional convention/declaration on refugees, SAARC countries would only be recognising and refining the existing traditional humanitarian policies. They will be developing a set of non-contentious humanitarian principles, which will enhance the organisational solidarity and its commitment to respect human rights. It will further strengthen SAARC position in the international fora. Such a convention or declaration would not be a document borrowed from outside not suitable for specific needs of the problem of refugees in the region but a SAARC-developed piece of international law.
The proposed study would thus not only study and explore the fungibility of regimes in international relations but would also explore their working in the issue area of refugee problem. In this regard, working and development of refugee regimes would be specially emphasised upon with the study of the steps taken and suggestions proffered towards the evolution of a common refugee framework in the region.
Survey of Literature:
1. Stephen Krasner (ed.), International Regimes, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1983.
This book is a landmark work in the area of regime theory. It includes a number of contributions from scholars like Susan Strange, Donald Puchala and Raymond Hopkins and of course, Stephen Krasner himself. The book tries to cover the debates over different perspectives on regimes and discusses their effectiveness in international relations.
2. Ernst B. Haas, "On Systems and International Regimes", World Politics 27, January 1975, pp 147-74.
In this article, Haas has used the term 'regimes' in a purely descriptive way to group a range of state behaviours in a particular issue-area, but since the potential for tautology is high, this approach has largely been abandoned.
3. Ernst B. Haas, "Why collaborate? Issue-linkage and International Regimes", World Politics 32, April 1980, pp 357-405.
Here, Haas talks how international regimes facilitate cooperation through linkages between different issue-areas.
4. Charles Lipson, Standing Guard: Protecting Foreign Capital in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, Berkley: University of California Press, 1985.
5. Robert Keohane, After Hegemony
6. Stephen Krasner, Structural Conflict: The Third World Against Global Liberation, Berkley: University of California, 1985.
7. Vinod Aggarwal, Liberal Protectionism: The International Politics of Organised Textile Trade, Berkley: University of California Press, 1982.
The majority of 'regime change' studies in these books try to explain as to why regimes eventually weaken or decay. Strength is measured by the degree of compliance with regime injunctions, particularly in instances where short-term or 'myopic' self-interests collide with regime rules.
8. S. D. Muni and Lokraj Baral (ed.), Refugee and Regional Security in South Asia, Konark Publishers Pvt. Ltd., 1996.
This edited book includes many papers from eminent scholars working in the field of refugees. The book talks about the problems of different refugee groups in South Asia and measures undertaken to alleviate them. Also, it relates the refugee problem with the general problem of security and recommends solutions and measures to resolve them.
9. Ved P. Nanada (ed.), Refugee Law and Policy: International and US Responses, published under the auspices of the Consortium on Human Rights Development, Greenwood Press, New York, Westport, Connecticut and London, 1989.
This book discusses the nature and extent of the refugee problem; international refugee law; and selected issues of the refugee problem are dealt with in this book. The issues include among others problems of asylum and sanctuary, rights of refugees under international humanitarian law, refugee generating conduct, refugee protection mechanism and probable solutions of the refugee problem.
10. Guy S. Goodwin-Gill, The Refugee in International Law, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1983.
This book, as the name suggests, describes and discusses the existing international law on refugees and the status of refugees in international law. The book also discusses such related issues as the definition of refugee, determination of refugee status, loss and denial of refugee status, problems relating to asylum and international protection available to refugees.
11. Guy S. Goodwin-Gill, International Law and Human Rights: Trends Concerning International Migrants and Refugees, International Migration Review, 23 (3), Fall 1989, pp. 579-98.
The article locates both the migrant and the refugee community within the human rights context. It briefly examines the internationalisation of human rights over the last forty years, with its important implications for citizens and non-nationals alike. It recalls the basic universal and regional texts, and examines their authority and legal force vis-a-vis national, intergovernmental organisations and individuals.
But all the books and articles in the field talk about regime and refugees separately and there has not been a serious attempt to relate the two and discuss the problems of refugee regimes in international field as such. This dichotomous gap between the two needs to be bridged and problems and constraints of regimes in the area of refugees need to be explored in a more systematic way. Also, this study proposed to look specifically into the development of refugee regimes in South Asia and explore the possibilities of emergence of a common framework on refugee regime in the region.
OBJECTIVES:
1.To improve our understanding of international order and international cooperation through an interpretation of international regime-formation that relies heavily on rational-choice analysis in the utilitarian social contract tradition
2. To find out as to why self-interested actors in world politics should seek under certain circumstances to establish international regimes through mutual agreement.
3. To account for fluctuations over time in the number, extent and strength of international regimes on the basis of rational calculations under varying circumstances.
4. To critically review and analyze the working of regimes in international relations.
5. To discuss and analyze different theories of regime.
6. To study and critically review the status and development refugee regimes in South Asia.
7. To study the feasibility of a common refugee framework in South Asia.
8. To find out as to what extent absence of national refugee law and non-accession to international refugee law has affected the management of the refugee problem in South Asia.
9. To describe and discuss the refugee problem in South Asia.
RESEARCH QUESTIONS:
1. Do regimes really work?
2. Are regimes custom-made to suit the interests of the powerful?
3. Do regimes work in all issue-areas?
4. What has been the progress on refugee regime?
5. Is a refugee regime in South Asia emerging?
6. How severe is the refugee problem in South Asia?
7. What are the implications of refugee problem for international relations?
8. Can a common refugee regime for South Asia help the better management of the refugee problem in South Asia.
9. Can cooperation on refugees lead to functional cooperation in other issue-areas of importance to the region.
10. What should be a model refugee regime for South Asia.
11. Do regimes have independent influence on state behaviour and if so, how?
METHODOLOGY:
The proposed study will be historio-analytical, descriptive and explanatory in nature. A thematic approach would be preferred to a chronological framework as the nature of this study does not demand that. This study, for analytical convenience, would separately deal with the theoretical aspects of regimes and the applied aspects of the feasibility of a refugee regime in South Asia.
Both primary and secondary sources will be used. The primary data will be obtained by consulting official documents, press releases and records of the member countries of SAARC, UNHCR, national and international non-governmental organisations and institutions of relevance to this study. Where and when required, interview and questionnaire techniques will be employed for data collection. Secondary sources would include books, journals, newspapers and official reports.
CHAPTERISATON:
There would be six chapters which tentatively could be titled as following:
1. INTRODUCTION:
This chapter will introduce the topic defining and debating the different perspectives on regimes relating the same with the refugee problem in South Asia.
2. REGIMES IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS:
This chapter will talk about the functions, dysfunctions and the role regimes have been playing in international politics and the extent to which they have affected the process of international politics. It would also discuss different proposals as to how to make regimes more helpful as a tool for furthering international cooperation so as to keep pace with changing international relations.
3. REFUGEE PROBLEM IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS:
This chapter will discuss and debate the refugee problem in international relations. Whether the refugee issue is really so involved as to be called a problem and if yes, to what extent they have been influencing international relations and international politics. It will also delineate the scale of refugee problem and measures undertaken to resolve it.
4. REFUGEE PROBLEM IN SOUTH ASIA:
This chapter will deal specifically with the refugee problem in South Asia defining and delineating the contours and scale of the refugee problem in the region. It will also talk like the previous one as to how the refugee problem has been impacting bilateral and multilateral relations between and among the countries of South Asia.
5. REFUGEE REGIME IN SOUTH ASIA:
This chapter will detail and discuss the state of refugee regime in South Asia. It would discuss the progress made towards a common refugee regime talking in detail about the role played by different agencies in this regard.
6. CONCLUSION:
As the name suggests, this chapter will conclude the principal arguments and findings of the foregoing chapters.
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8. Donnelly, Jack, "International Human Rights Regimes", International Organisation 40, Summer 1986, pp. 599-642.
9. Young, Oran, "International Regimes: Problem of Concept Formation", World Politics
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10. Finlayson, J and Zacher, Mark, "The GATT and the Regulation of Trade Barriers: Regime Dynamics and Effect", International Organisation 35, Autumn 1981, pp. 561-602.
11. Young, Oran, "International Regimes: Toward a New Theory of Institutions", World Politics 39, October 1986.
12. Ruggie, John and Kratochvil, Fiedrich, "International Organisation: A State of the Art on the Art of the State", International Organisation 40, Autumn 1986, pp. 753-76.
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Vijayakumar, V, "Should India Ratify the Refugee Convention and Protocol?", Bulletin on IHL and Refugee Law, Vol. 2, No. 2(A), Indian Council of Humanitarian Law and Research, New Delhi, July‑Dec 1997, pp.325‑339.
Vijayakumar, V., "A Brief Note on the Existing Laws and Judicial Decisions on Refugees in India", Bulletin on IHL and Refugee Law, Vol. 1, No. 2, Indian Council of Humanitarian Law and Research, New Delhi, July‑Dec 1996, pp.285‑288.
Wilkinson, Ray, "Kidnapping the kids", Refugees, Spring 1998, pp. 6‑11.
Wolfson, Steven, "The dilemma of the internally displaced", Refugees, II‑1997, UNHCR Public Information, Geneva, p. 7.
Ziman, Jenna E., "Police brutality in the Himalayas: The price of being Tibetan refugees", Tibetan Review, Nov. 1996, pp. 21‑22.
Newspapers:
1. The Times of India.
2. The Hindustan Times.
3. The Hindu.
4. The Statesman.
5. The Asian Age.
6. The Pioneer.
7. The Telegraph.
8. The Economic Times.
9. UNHCR CD‑ROM
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